Supreme Court Anyone?

ooof-da

Well-Known Member

Fogdog

Well-Known Member
Is originalism bs?

The historical arguments in both the Dobbs decision and in the decision to prevent Colorado from excluding Trump from their ballot were panned by historians and were easily shredded in articles that referred to actual history.

In this article, the author shreds Alito's "historical arguments" in the Dobbs decision. But most telling, she shreds the notion of applying originalism to a modern woman's civil rights:

Up until 1974, one year after Roe, women didn’t have legally protected access to credit cards, for goodness’ sake. Of course a right to an abortion wasn’t deeply rooted in the country’s history in the 1860s, when the Fourteenth Amendment was ratified. Women weren’t legal persons then. If Alito is suggesting that women simply don’t have rights under the Fourteenth Amendment because those rights didn’t exist at the time of its ratification, then he should just come out and say it. It would at least be more intellectually honest than much of this opinion is.

The way the current SCOTUS uses "originalist" arguments is as original and illuminating as a Thomas Kinkade "painting".
 

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Biden social media case heads to Supreme Court
The Biden administration’s legal battle over social media content moderation will reach the Supreme Court on Monday, when the justices are set to hear arguments over whether federal officials violated the First Amendment by urging platforms to remove posts they deemed false or misleading.

Two Republican attorneys general brought the case in a challenge to the administration’s efforts to curb misinformation online — an effort they described as a government “campaign of censorship.” They purported federal officials “coordinated and colluded” with social media platforms to “identify disfavored speakers, viewpoints, and content.”

At the heart of the case were attempts by the Biden administration to police online misinformation about the legitimacy of the 2020 election and COVID-19, when doubts about vaccines ran rampant.

“The question is how you draw the line between government speech that is permissible and government speech that imposes coercive power on the platforms — or excessive entanglement, excessive cooperation between private speakers and the government,” said Bob Corn-Revere, chief counsel for the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression.

“And that’s the difficult line that the court is going to try and draw,” he said.

A Louisiana-based federal judge sided with the attorneys general last summer and barred Biden administration officials from contacting social media companies relating to “any manner the removal, deletion, suppression, or reduction” of content containing “protected free speech.”

But court watchers criticized the district court judge’s decision as overbroad, and in September, a three-judge panel on the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals narrowed the judge’s order.

However, the 5th Circuit panel agreed with the lower court that Biden administration officials likely did violate the First Amendment by urging social media companies to take down specific content, ruling that federal agencies cannot “coerce” social media platforms to remove posts countering the government’s stance.

At first, the 5th Circuit judges found that the White House, FBI and Centers for Disease Control and Prevention crossed the line into coercion, while the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA) and State Department did not. After rehearing the case, the panel ruled that CISA did overstep.

After the Supreme Court took up the case, Missouri Attorney General Andrew Bailey — one of the two GOP attorneys general who brought the case — said his team looks forward to “dismantling Joe Biden’s vast censorship enterprise at the nation’s highest court.”

The Biden administration has argued that barring talk between federal officials and social media companies limits the government’s ability to address matters of public concern, prevent national security threats and relay information.

“Of course, the government cannot punish people for expressing different views, and it cannot accomplish the same thing indirectly by threatening to punish private actors for disseminating those views,” the Justice Department wrote in its brief to the Supreme Court.

“But so long as the government seeks to inform and persuade rather than to compel, its speech poses no First Amendment concern — even if government officials state their views in strong terms, and even if private actors change their speech or conduct in response,” the brief continued.

Tech groups have vigorously asserted their positions in amicus briefs to the Supreme Court, many arguing that the justices should steer clear of labeling them state actors because of their communication with the government.

“They are private platforms. They have their own First Amendment rights. And just because they have been pushed into a corner by an administration and basically strong-armed into playing ball, they don’t want to have that be the factor that converts them into state actors,” Corn-Revere said.

David Greene, director of civil liberties at the digital rights advocacy group Electronic Frontier Foundation, said in a statement that there are times when communication between government officials and social media platforms is “permissible, appropriate and even good public policy.” But when the government crosses the line into “co-option” of content moderation, it becomes a “serious threat to freedom of speech.”

“The Supreme Court must independently review the record and make the searching distinctions that the lower courts did not,” Greene said.

The case adds to a Supreme Court term dominated by critical social media issues that could have resounding implications for online speech.

Earlier this term, the justices heard cases probing whether public officials can block critical constituents from their personal social media accounts and whether the U.S. Constitution allows states to stop social media companies from removing posts over their viewpoints.

Later Monday, the justices will consider whether a New York state official infringed on the National Rifle Association’s speech by discouraging banks and insurers from working with it — a case that draws parallels to the Biden administration’s social media case.

If the justices’ questioning follows current trends, the Biden administration could face sharp criticism on and some alarm about the government’s relationship with social media companies.

During arguments last month over the two state social media laws, Justice Samuel Alito quipped that deeming what he called “censorship” as “content moderation” verges into an “Orwellian temptation to recategorize offensive conduct in seemingly bland terms.”

Justice Elena Kagan drew attention to the fine line between First Amendment-protected action and state action by citing former President Trump’s account on X, the platform formerly known as Twitter, in arguments for the social media blocking case.

The high court issued a stay of the 5th Circuit’s injunction until after it decides the case on its merits, meaning administrative officials could continue contacting social media companies while the justices consider the case.

Alito, along with fellow conservative Justices Clarence Thomas and Neil Gorsuch, forcefully dissented.

“At this time in the history of our country, what the Court has done, I fear, will be seen by some as giving the Government a green light to use heavy-handed tactics to skew the presentation of views on the medium that increasingly dominates the dissemination of news,” Alito wrote in his dissenting opinion. “That is most unfortunate.”

But Corn-Revere warned that the issue before the court is not a partisan one; federal and state officials across party lines could be equally restricted by a ruling to curb the “bullying” of social media platforms into doing the government’s bidding.

“It is an effort by the Court, I believe, to lay down rules for what the limits are of the government being able to put its thumb on the scale,” he said.
 

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Supreme Court’s abortion pill case could have sweeping consequences
A fight over abortion pills at the Supreme Court this week could have sweeping consequences for all Americans’ access to mifepristone, even those who live in blue states.

Abortion will be back in court Tuesday, when the same justices who overturned Roe v. Wade will hear arguments about whether federal regulators overstepped their authority by loosening restrictions to make mifepristone easier to access.

Mifepristone, which is sold both under the brand name Mifeprex and as a generic drug, is commonly used with one other drug during medication abortions. The stakes of the case were made clear this week when new data showed more than 60 percent of all abortions last year were done through medication.

“They’re really seeking to go back to a state of regulation of the drug that is not in keeping with evidence-based practices and that is not in keeping with FDA’s judgment today; that could have nationwide implications,” said Skye Perryman, president and CEO of Democracy Forward.

The Food and Drug Administration (FDA) made a series of changes in 2016, 2021 and 2023 that included increasing the gestational age at which mifepristone can be used to up to 10 weeks of pregnancy, allowing the medication to be mailed to patients, lowering the dosage, allowing telehealth prescribing, and permitting providers other than physicians to prescribe the drug.

A group of anti-abortion doctors and medical associations represented by the Christian legal group Alliance Defending Freedom would like the justices to uphold an earlier ruling from the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 5th Circuit.

There is no legal precedent for a court to override the Food and Drug Administration’s approval of a drug. But if it were to happen, experts said it could upend the entire drug approval process and make abortion medication out of reach of the people who need it most.

“That would be a sea change in how courts review health care and drug access in the United States,” said Aadika Singh, senior reproductive justice attorney at Public Rights Project.

If the Supreme Court upholds the 5th Circuit’s ruling, manufacturers would have to change the drug’s label, and the FDA would need to rewrite its rules and regulations for distribution and use of the drug, which would take time. The manufacturer and distributors won’t be able to market the drug until it gets relabeled.

While mifepristone will likely stay on the market no matter what the Supreme Court decides, there could be some significant changes to access, even in states where abortion remains legal and protected.

If the justices uphold the ruling from the appeals court, prescribing mifepristone through telemedicine would no longer be allowed. Since the end of Roe, the number of people seeking to terminate pregnancies who rely on telemedicine has increased.

Abortion is almost completely illegal in 14 states, while two states have banned it after six weeks.

Telemedicine abortion accounted for 16 percent of abortions performed from June to September 2023, according to the latest data published by the Society of Family Planning.

“Given that there’s a greater need for mifepristone, and given that now there are fewer places, fewer states where mifepristone can be lawfully prescribed, telemedicine was the way for communities to meet the challenge, not only for their own residents but for people coming in from out of state seeking care,” Singh said.

Mifepristone represents the latest front in the abortion fight, and the Supreme Court’s decision — expected in June, in the middle of a presidential campaign — isn’t expected to be the final say.

If the court rules against the FDA, it could open the door to politically motivated challenges against other drugs or medical devices.

“That could really unleash a lot of judicial mischief with respect to extremist organizations that are seeking to misuse our court system and our laws,” said Perryman.

Pharmaceutical industry experts and reproductive rights groups said they are especially concerned about vaccines and contraception.

“All the myths and ‘alternative facts’ that we hear … the scientific evidence is now vulnerable to those kinds of misleading statements,” Marsha Henderson, a former associate commissioner for women’s health at the FDA, said during a recent media briefing. “And so it would not surprise me that the courts would be flooded with various suits that would come if this one is successful.”

Even if the Supreme Court decides in favor of the Biden administration, or rules that the anti-abortion groups don’t have legal standing to sue, attorneys said litigation would likely continue.

For instance, the same district court in Texas that originally ruled against the FDA said a group of red states led by Missouri can intervene in the lawsuit.

Adam Unikowsky, a partner at Jenner & Block, said if the Supreme Court rules the plaintiffs have no standing, the case should just go away. Individual states can later sue to challenge the FDA’s decisionmaking if they want to, but they shouldn’t be able to sue in courts outside their own borders.

“A ruling that there’s no standing would not end the litigation forever,” Unikowsky said. “Someone else could certainly give it a shot.”

However, he noted that the Texas district court could decide to let the states sue anyway.

“So there is a possibility in which the Supreme Court holds that there’s no standing, and then the District Court allows the states to proceed with their case, and then we come right back up [to the Supreme Court] in a couple of years,” Unikowsky said.

Thomas Jipping, a senior legal fellow at the Heritage Foundation, said during a recent briefing that several anti-abortion states have contemplated filing lawsuits challenging the FDA’s decisionmaking.

Jipping said even if the FDA loses, it won’t be the apocalyptic scenario the agency laid out in court documents.

“The FDA can go back to the drawing board, and there can be new drug applications, the whole process can work its way through again. This isn’t going to affect the way they do anything; the entire pharmaceutical industry is well familiar with all those legal standards and the changing landscape, and they have to act accordingly,” Jipping said.
 

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Well-Known Member

cannabineer

Ursus marijanus
… think he’ll comply?

well, no. Guy sounds like K-Tel’s Pseudolibertarian Greatest Hits.

https://amp.theguardian.com/law/2024/apr/12/billionaire-leonard-leo-rejects-senate-subpoena-supreme-court-gifts
 

Fogdog

Well-Known Member

GenericEnigma

Well-Known Member
hmmmm.


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When I first read this news, I immediately thought of you. You have been very vocal about your desire to see TFFG face accountability. Perhaps the lack of an adequate mechanism for SCOTUS gives you this bird's-eye view?
 
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