Conservatives programed to trigger at words "Black Lives Matter" by Russian trolls.

hanimmal

Well-Known Member
https://www.rawstory.com/christopher-rufo-2667331493/
Screen Shot 2024-02-21 at 4.10.45 PM.png
The right-wing activist who has cooked up messaging strategies against critical race theory and other hot-button culture war issues has close ties to a "dissident right" magazine that undermines liberal democracy and lavishes praise on authoritarian leaders.

Chris Rufo, a frequent Fox News guest who has the ear of Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis and Donald Trump, contributes to the far-right IM-1776 magazine and maintains an explicitly collaborative and supportive relationship with its editors and writers, including would-be “warlord” Charles Haywood who leads a network of armed extremists bent on ending liberal ideals, reported The Guardian.

"[IM-1776's] editors and writers — many of them so-called 'anons' working under pseudonyms — have variously advocated for the repeal of the Civil Rights Act; celebrated figures such as the 'Unabomber' Ted Kaczynski and the proto-fascist Italian nationalist Gabriele D’Annunzio; and advanced conspiracy theories about the Covid pandemic, and what they term the 'regime', a leftist power structure that they imagine unites the state, large corporations, universities and the media," the newspaper reported.

The outlet ran a "manifesto" by Rufo called "The New Right Activism" last month in both its online and print versions, and he has publicly urged his followers to buy and subscribe to IM-1776. He said during one of the Twitter spaces he's co-hosted with the magazine's editors that he hoped to incorporate the "dissident right" into mainstream conservatism.

“I think there is a room for engaging the dissident right and the establishment right," Rufo said. "I think we need to have a bridge between the two and engage in thoughtful dialogue.”

Haywood, a former shampoo manufacturer turned wannabe warlord, contributes to IM-1776 and apparently helps fund its publication, has published six bylined articles on the website using eliminationist rhetoric against his enemies and calls for “the total, permanent defeat of the left, of the ideology at the heart of the Enlightenment."

ALSO READ: Hypocrisy alert: Senators who scorched Mark Zuckerberg love Meta money

"Our society is commanded to excise the limitless, satanic evils brought on us by the left," he said in one published conversation with IM-1776 regular Daniel Miller.

Haywood gave a glowing review of Rufo’s book, "America’s Cultural Revolution," saying that, “We might have to accept we can’t live with these people, the five or ten percent of our nation who lead or are most active in supporting the left," and then calls for the repeal of the “so-called Civil Rights Act."

The magazine champions El Salvador president Nayib Bukele, a scheduledspeaker this week at CPAC, for suspending civil liberties in 2022 to crack down on alleged gang members, which resulted in the arrest of 75,000 people without charge, and IM-1776 founder and editor-in-chief Mark Granza wished an American president would do the same to non-conservatives.

“America needs its own Bukele. Build massive prisons and start by throwing in every single regime apparatchik," wrote Granza, an Italian national living in Hungary, in a Twitter post last March.

Conservative columnist Rod Dreher interviewed Granza last February for the Hungarian Conservative, an outlet aligned with the authoritarian leader Viktor Orbán.

“[Rufo]e doesn’t care about convincing the other side, or battling in the ‘marketplace of ideas,'" Granza said. "He’s going to tell you what he’s going to do, and then do it, whether you agree with him or not. That’s what I believe conservatives should do: use whatever power they have or can get and impose their views on to society.”
 

hanimmal

Well-Known Member
https://apnews.com/article/trump-milei-bukele-latin-america-conservatives-republicans-0215b7fdea225a0ca2cddfbebbd2438a
Screen Shot 2024-02-28 at 12.04.47 PM.png
OXON HILL, Md. (AP) — On a recent evening outside Washington, the president of Argentina had the eyes and ears of a conservative crowd that had gathered to listen to Donald Trump. In a raspy voice, Javier Milei called out, “Hola a todos,” or “Hello, everyone,” before introducing himself as a lion.

“What a beautiful day to make the left tremble,” Milei joked.

His eccentrics may have seemed novel to those in the crowd unfamiliar with how he has used lions as his brand to symbolize his fierce stance against socialism, but the far-right populist has become well-known among Latinos in the United States since winning the presidency last year. He was joined at the Conservative Political Action Conference by El Salvador’s millennial president, Nayib Bukele, who delighted the crowd with a speech in fluent English deriding philanthropist George Soros and “globalism.”

The Republican Party is aligning with some Latin American populists as a way of injecting star power and the political landscape of immigrants’ home countries into this year’s U.S. election. Having made inroads with Cuban and Venezuelan Americans in South Florida by attacking the self-declared socialist leaders of those countries, GOP leaders are replicating that model by promoting ties between Trump and leaders who are well known by Spanish-speaking voters across the country.

Mercedes Schlapp, a former Trump White House aide, told Spanish-language newscasters that Democrats have been nurturing the Latino vote for a long time, but when Trump was seeking reelection in 2020, he told his strategists to “do whatever you can to get the Latino vote.” Schlapp said that pursuing the popular elected leaders to join the recent conservative gathering is part of that effort.

At nearly 2.5 million people, Salvadorans outnumber Cubans in the U.S., according to the Pew Hispanic Research Center. The Argentine diaspora is much smaller. But both Bukele and Milei have grabbed the attention of immigrants from Latin America as populist counterweights to the leftist strongmen scattered across Central and South America.

Jose Aliaga, a Peruvian immigrant who attended CPAC as a Republican leader of a township in Michigan, compared Bukele after his speech to Trump, who is closing in on his third GOP nomination and a rematch with Democratic President Joe Biden.

“Not only does Bukele say all the right things, he has results to show,” Aliaga said. “Bukele and Trump have the same message. They want to stop crime, they want to improve the economy, offer more jobs and give everyone the opportunity to get ahead.

“They both want to rule with an iron fist, but one speaks Spanish and the other speaks English,” he said.

Milei campaigned with a chainsaw as his prop to campaign on drastic cuts in Argentina and has declared his admiration for Trump. Milei didn’t bring the chainsaw to CPAC, but when he saw Trump between their speeches, Milei rushed to Trump screaming “president!” and gave him a close hug before they posed for pictures. According to a video posted by one of his aides, Trump told him, “Make Argentina Great Again,” referencing Milei’s Trump-inspired campaign slogan.

The day before his visit, Milei met in Buenos Aires with Secretary of State Antony Blinken and other Biden administration officials. According to one of Milei’s ministers, U.S. Ambassador Marc Stanley, a Texas lawyer and Democratic donor, tried to dissuade Milei from appearing alongside Trump, saying CPAC was a “very political” event.

The State Department didn’t respond to a request for comment. A spokesperson for the U.S. Embassy in Buenos Aires said, “We make no comments on private meetings.”

Republican Sen. Marco Rubio of Florida, a Cuban American who has endorsed Trump, traveled to Argentina’s Casa Rosada last week to meet Milei and asked him to autograph a mug with the slogan “No hay plata,” for “There is no money,” which Milei used in campaign to say the country will no longer subsidize public programs.

Eduardo Verástegui is a conservative activist who rose to fame in the 1990s as a Mexican telenovela heartthrob and tried to run independently for Mexico’s presidency. He describes Trump as a friend and was invited in 2020 to advise him on Hispanic issues.

“Having them here on an election year is unique. It can awaken the Hispanic community in the U.S.,” Verástegui said. “I think this could be a turning point.”

Maca Casado, a spokeswoman for Biden’s campaign, criticized Trump’s plan to appeal to Latinos, saying his policies as president and proposals as candidates are anti-immigrant.

“We are talking about a man who has consistently demonized Latinos for his political gain, who used his time in office to attack the Latino community, who has even parroted dictators and said immigrants were poisoning the blood of the country,” Casado said in a statement. “Our community knows the truth: The party of Trump doesn’t give a damn about Latinos.”

Benjamin Gedan, director of the Latin America Program at the Washington-based Wilson Center, warned that these leaders are “either intentionally antagonizing the White House or making an easily avoidable diplomatic misstep.”

Bukele was perhaps even more popular at CPAC, followed by dozens of supporters after his speech Thursday who were blowing horns and shouting his name.

A Spanish-language journalist from Voz Media, a conservative outlet based in Texas, approached Bukele to ask questions about Biden and Trump. Bukele said the Biden administration “has not been interested in working with us.” He said the relations between the two countries under Trump were “much better,” but he stopped short of throwing his support for Trump. “I leave that to the people.”

Bukele has become massively popular in El Salvador, as a result of his war on gangs that has led to 76,000 detentions, and among Salvadorans in the U.S., who can be found in large numbers in California, Texas and New York.

Bukele made a point in his speech to call out the Clinton administration for deporting members of a gang that was formed in the U.S. by Salvadorans who had immigrated escaping the 1979-1992 civil war. That gang was MS-13, which is often misunderstood as having been founded in El Salvador.

A Bukele adviser said the leader wanted to come to speak to conservatives to promote his efforts to turn around El Salvador. Homicide rates have fallen sharply and the country went from being one of the most violent to one of the safest in the Americas.

In a hotel right across the venue where conservatives met, two hotel maids knew exactly the time Bukele was set to appear and were hoping to catch a glimpse of the leader, saying their native El Salvador had changed.

When asked if they were equally excited to see Trump, they smiled and shook their heads.
 

hanimmal

Well-Known Member
https://apnews.com/article/alabama-voting-rights-black-voters-congress-19ded57858f3194634be74894c9f1f01
Screen Shot 2024-03-07 at 8.45.05 AM.png
MONTGOMERY, Ala. (AP) — More than 6,000 voters in a newly formed congressional district drawn to heighten Black voting power in Alabama received postcards with incorrect voting information ahead of Tuesday’s primary, alarming advocates concerned about the potential impact on a race seen as crucial to boosting Black representation and Democrats’ hopes to flip the U.S. House in November.

James Snipes, chair of the Montgomery County Board of Registrars, said 6,593 county voters received postcards listing the incorrect congressional district after the county’s election software misidentified some people living in the 2nd Congressional District as living in the 7th.

Snipes said voters arriving at the polls were still able to vote for the correct candidates. The county had sent about 2,000 notices to affected voters as of Tuesday evening and will send out an additional 4,000 on Wednesday, he said.

“Everyone who came to their precinct was able to vote for the correct candidates,” Snipes said, attributing the incorrect information to a “software glitch” made when adjusting to the recent shift in state congressional districts. “This was a good-faith effort.”

Montgomery County, home to about 159,000 registered voters, now falls in the 2nd Congressional District after a federal court drew new congressional lines in November. That was in response to a U.S. Supreme Court ruling that the state had diluted the voting power of Black residents, violating the Voting Rights Act.

The three-judge panel decided that Alabama, which is 27% Black, should have a second district where Black voters comprise a large share of the population. The move has sparked a congested and competitive primary contest as Democrats hope to flip the congressional seat in the fall.

The redrawn map could lead to the election of two Black congressional representatives from the state for the first time. After the districts were redrawn, Black residents will comprise nearly 49% of the 2nd district’s voting-age population, up from less than one-third.

“For many Black voters in that district, this is the first election where they have the opportunity to elect a representative who looks like them,” said Camille Wimbish, national director of campaigns and field programs for the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law. “This could have caused many Black Alabamans to just stay home and not vote at all.”

State Rep. Napoleon Bracy Jr., one of 11 Democratic candidates running in the 2nd District primary, said “it is disappointing to see that voters in Montgomery County are facing classic disenfranchisement.” He noted it came days after the state marked an anniversary of key events that led to the passage of the Voting Rights Act.

Election officials caught an error in the cards sent to voters in January and attempted to update their systems so voters would be listed in the correct congressional district, said Snipes, of the county elections board.

“We thought we had it all fixed,” he said, adding that officials didn’t realize that more voters had been affected. “We can’t figure out how the software did that to us.”

Laney Rawls, executive assistant for Alabama’s secretary of state, said the office was not involved in sending the postcards to voters.

It was one of the few issues reported on Super Tuesday, the biggest day of the primary calendar. Only sporadic voting problems surfaced, most of which were resolved quickly. In Texas’ Travis County, which includes Austin, some voters had problems checking in when they tried to cast their ballots.

The Travis County Clerk’s Office said about 1% of registered voters were affected. Officials blamed a “data issue” but did not offer more details. Affected voters were asked to either wait while the problem was resolved or were told they could cast a provisional ballot if they couldn’t wait.

“Our team quickly identified the issue and pushed out a solution,” the clerk’s office said in an email.
 

hanimmal

Well-Known Member
https://www.rawstory.com/a-new-orleans-neighborhood-confronts-the-racist-legacy-of-a-toxic-stretch-of-highway-2667532810/
Screen Shot 2024-03-17 at 7.10.23 PM.png
Aside from a few discarded hypodermic needles on the ground, the Hunter’s Field Playground in New Orleans looks almost untouched. It’s been open more than nine years, but the brightly painted red and yellow slides and monkey bars are still sleek and shiny, and the padded rubber tiles feel springy underfoot.

For people who live nearby, it’s no mystery why the equipment is in relatively pristine shape: Children don’t come here to play.

“Because kids are smart,” explained Amy Stelly, an artist and urban designer who lives about a block away on Dumaine Street. “It’s the adults who aren’t. It’s the adults who built the playground under the interstate.”

Hunter’s Field is wedged directly beneath the elevated roadbeds of the Claiborne Expressway section of Interstate 10 in the city’s 7th Ward.

There are no sounds of laughter or children playing. The constant cuh-clunk, cuh-clunk of the traffic passing overhead makes it difficult to hold a conversation with someone standing next to you. An average of 115,000 vehicles a day use the overpass, according to a 2012 study.

“I have never seen a child play here,” Stelly said.

Stelly keeps a sharp eye on this area as part of her advocacy work with the Claiborne Avenue Alliance, a group of residents and business owners dedicated to revitalizing the predominantly African American community on either side of the looming expressway.

For as long as she can remember, Stelly has been fighting to dismantle that section of the highway. She’s lived in the neighborhood her entire life and said the noise is oftentimes unbearable. “You can sustain hearing damage,” she said. Now, she’s helping collect new noise and air pollution data to show it needs to be taken down.

The Claiborne Expressway was built in the 1960s, when the construction of interstates and highways was a symbol of progress and economic development in the U.S.

But that supposed progress often came at a great cost for marginalized communities — especially predominantly Black neighborhoods.

When it was built, the “Claiborne Corridor,” as it’s still sometimes known, tore through the heart of Tremé, one of the nation’s oldest Black neighborhoods.

For more than a century before the construction of the expressway, bustling Claiborne Avenue constituted the backbone of economic and cultural life for Black New Orleans. Back then, the oak-lined avenue was home to more than 120 businesses. Today, only a few dozen remain.

What happened to Claiborne Avenue isn’t unique. Federal planners often routed highways directly through low-income minority neighborhoods, dividing communities and polluting the air.

In Montgomery, Alabama, I-85 cut through the city’s only middle-class Black neighborhood and was “designed to displace and punish the organizers of the civil rights movement,” according to Rebecca Retzlaff, a community planning professor at Auburn University. In Nashville, planners intentionally looped I-40 around a white community, and sent it plowing through a prominent Black neighborhood, knocking down hundreds of homes and businesses. Examples like this exist in major cities across the country.

The federal government has started working on ways to confront the damage highway construction continues to do to low-income and minority communities. An initiative established in the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act called the Reconnecting Communities Pilot seeks to do just that: reconnect neighborhoods and communities that were divided by infrastructure.

But there’s wide disagreement on the best way to do that, and some strategies are likely to do little to limit the health effects of living near these highways. What’s unfolding in New Orleans shows how challenging it is to pick and fund projects that will help.

Competing Visions for the Claiborne Expressway

Stelly’s group, the Claiborne Avenue Alliance, submitted a proposal for Reconnecting Communities Pilot money. It wanted $1.6 million in federal funds primarily for public engagement, data collection, and feasibility planning to work to assess whether it would be possible to remove the expressway altogether, with a plan to raise $400,000 more to cover costs.

And it seemed possible its grant proposal would succeed, since even the White House cited the Claiborne Expressway as a textbook example of the biased planning history in a published statement about the Reconnecting Communities Pilot. Ultimately, though, the federal Department of Transportation, the agency charged with allocating the program’s money, denied the Claiborne Avenue Alliance’s grant request.

Instead, the Department of Transportation offered a small fraction of the money requested in a competing joint proposal made by the city of New Orleans and the state of Louisiana. That plan called for a $47 million grant from Reconnecting Communities to do overpass improvements, remove some on- and off-ramps, and, most significantly, create the “Claiborne Innovation District” to promote public life and cultural activities under the highway. DOT granted just $500,000 for the project.

Stelly said she likes a few aspects of the city-state proposal, notably the plan to remove on- and off-ramps to improve pedestrian safety beneath the expressway and other public safety projects, like better lighting and dedicated pedestrian and bicycle lanes.

But, notably, Stelly called the idea of creating an entertainment space and market beneath the highway misguided and ridiculous. Would it be a waste of scarce government funds?

“It’s a foolish idea because you’re going to be exposed to the same thing” as the neglected playground, Stelly said. “You’re going to be exposed to the same levels of noise. It’s not a wise decision to build anything under here.”

Using Science to Inform Policy

Since her group’s proposal was denied, Stelly and her organization are turning to a new strategy: helping with a new study funded by the Environmental Protection Agency on the expressway’s health impacts. They hope the data will support them in their efforts to remove the highway from their neighborhood.

In addition to noise impacts, the EPA-funded study is looking at the health impacts of pollution under the Claiborne Expressway — especially harmful pollutants like particulate matter 2.5, or PM 2.5.

These microscopic particles, measuring 2.5 microns or less in diameter, are released from the tailpipes of passing vehicles, said Adrienne Katner, an associate professor at the Louisiana State University School of Public Health, who is the principal investigator on the EPA study. They’re so small that, when inhaled, they lodge deep in the lungs. From there, they can migrate to the circulatory system, and then spread and potentially affect every system in the body.

“So the heart, the brain,” said Katner. “If a woman is pregnant, it can cross the placental barrier. So it has a lot of impacts.”

Katner and her team of researchers are beginning the study by taking preliminary readings with monitors at different points along the expressway. Completing the research and publishing the data will likely take two to three years.

One of Katner’s monitoring sites is Hunter’s Field Playground. Graduate researcher Jacquelynn Mornay said the noise levels registered there could cause permanent hearing damage after an hour or so of exposure. The pollution levels recorded hover around 18 micrograms per cubic meter.

“It should be at most — at most — 12,” said Beatrice Duah, another graduate student researcher. “So it is way over the limits.”

Residents and workers occupying the homes and businesses lining the area under the expressway are exposed daily to these levels of noise and pollution. When complete, this EPA study will join a decades-long body of research about how traffic pollution affects the human body.

“We’re not inventing the science here,” Katner said. “All I’m doing is showing them what we already know and then documenting it, giving them the data to then inform and influence policy. That’s all I can do.”

‘Removal Is the Only Cure’

Eventually, the study’s findings could help other communities divided by infrastructure across the country, Katner said.

“A lot of cities are going through this right now and they’re looking back at their highway systems,” she said. “They’re looking back at the impacts that it’s had on a community and they’re trying to figure out what to do next. I’m hoping that this project will inform them.”

Amy Stelly said she’s always known the air she and her neighbors breathe isn’t safe, but she’s hopeful that having concrete data to support her efforts will do more to persuade policymakers to address the problem. That could mean taking down the dangerous on- and off-ramps — or scrapping what she considers to be the wasteful plan of putting a market and event space under the highway overpass.

Stelly sees only one true solution to the problems posed by the Claiborne Expressway, only one way to really right the wrongs done to her community.

“Removal is the only cure,” Stelly said. “I’m insisting on it because I’m a resident of the neighborhood and I live with this every day.” And, she said, “the science tells us there’s no other way.”
 

hanimmal

Well-Known Member
https://apnews.com/article/mississippi-goon-squad-sentencing-d2eb6ba7e2f337ac1f17035cc97f2934Screen Shot 2024-03-19 at 12.42.10 PM.png
JACKSON, Miss. (AP) — A former Mississippi sheriff’s deputy was sentenced Tuesday to about 20 years in prison for his part in torturing two Black men last year after a neighbor complained that the men were staying in a home with a white woman.

Hunter Elward was sentenced by U.S. District Judge Tom Lee, who handed down a 241-month sentence. Lee is also due to sentence five other former law enforcement officers who admitted to subjecting Michael Corey Jenkins and Eddie Terrell Parker to numerous acts of racist torture.

Before sentencing, Lee called Elward’s crimes “egregious and despicable,” and said a “sentence at the top of the guidelines range is justified — is more than justified.” He continued: “It’s what the defendant deserves. It’s what the community and the defendant’s victims deserve.”

In January 2023, the group of six burst into a Rankin County home without a warrant and assaulted Jenkins and Parker with stun guns, a sex toy and other objects. Elward admitted to shoving a gun into Jenkins’ mouth and firing in a “mock execution” that went awry.

The terror began on Jan. 24, 2023, with a racist call for extrajudicial violence.

A white person phoned Rankin County Deputy Brett McAlpin and complained that two Black men were staying with a white woman at a house in Braxton, Mississippi. McAlpin told Deputy Christian Dedmon, who texted a group of white deputies so willing to use excessive force they called themselves “The Goon Squad.”

Once inside, they handcuffed Jenkins and his friend Parker and poured milk, alcohol and chocolate syrup over their faces. They forced them to strip naked and shower together to conceal the mess. They mocked the victims with racial slurs and shocked them with stun guns.

After a mock execution went awry when Jenkins was shot in the mouth, they devised a coverup that included planting drugs and a gun. False charges stood against Jenkins and Parker for months.

Ahead of sentencing, Jenkins and Parker called for the “stiffest of sentences” at a news conference Monday.

“It’s been very hard for me, for us,” Jenkins said. “We are hoping for the best and preparing for the worst.”

Jenkins suffered a lacerated tongue and broken jaw. He still has trouble speaking and eating.

Malik Shabazz, an attorney representing both men, said the result of the sentencing hearings could have national implications.

“Michael Jenkins and Eddie Parker continue to suffer emotionally and physically since this horrific and bloody attack by Rankin County deputies,” Shabazz said. “A message must be sent to police in Mississippi and all over America, that level of criminal conduct will be met with the harshest of consequences.”

Months before federal prosecutors announced charges in August 2023, an investigation by The Associated Press linked some of the deputies to at least four violent encounters with Black men since 2019 that left two dead and another with lasting injuries.

The officers charged include McAlpin, Dedmon, Elward, Jeffrey Middleton and Daniel Opdyke of the Rankin County Sheriff’s Department and Joshua Hartfield, a Richland police officer. They pleaded guilty to charges including conspiracy against rights, obstructions of justice, deprivation of rights under color of law, discharge of a firearm under a crime of violence, and conspiracy to obstruct justice. Court papers identified Hunter Elward as one of the Goon Squad members. The others identified as part of the squad were Middleton and Opdyke.

Most of their lawyers did not respond to emails requesting comment Monday. Jason Kirschberg, representing Opdyke, said: “Daniel has accepted responsibility for his actions, and his failures to act. ... He has admitted he was wrong and feels deep remorse for the pain he caused the victims.”

On the federal charges, Elward faced a maximum sentence of 120 years plus life in prison and $2.75 million in fines, as does Dedmon. Hartfield faces a possible sentence of 80 years and $1.5 million, McAlpin faces 90 years and $1.75 million, Middleton faces 80 years and $1.5 million, and Opdyke could be sentenced to 100 years with a $2 million fine.

The former officers agreed to prosecutor-recommended sentences ranging from five to 30 years in state court, but time served for separate convictions at the state level will run concurrently with the potentially longer federal sentences.

The majority-white Rankin County is just east of the state capital, Jackson, home to one of the highest percentages of Black residents of any major U.S. city.

The officers warned Jenkins and Parker to “stay out of Rankin County and go back to Jackson or ‘their side’ of the Pearl River,” court documents say, referencing an area with higher concentrations of Black residents.

In the gruesome crimes committed by men tasked with enforcing the law, federal prosecutors saw echoes of Mississippi’s dark history, including the 1964 killing of three civil rights workers after a deputy handed them off to the Ku Klux Klan.

For months, Rankin County Sheriff Bryan Bailey, whose deputies committed the crimes, said little about the episode. After the officers pleaded guilty in August, Bailey said the officers had gone rogue and promised to change the department. Jenkins and Parker have called for his resignation, and they have filed a $400 million civil lawsuit against the department.
 

hanimmal

Well-Known Member
https://apnews.com/article/fact-check-washington-bill-hate-speech-bias-cash-974358541296
Screen Shot 2024-03-30 at 8.38.28 AM.png[
Washington Gov. Jay Inslee looks up while delivering his State of the State address to a joint legislative session in House chambers at the Washington state Capitol, Tuesday, Jan. 9, 2024, in Olympia, Wash. Social media users are falsely claiming that a bill Inslee signed Tuesday offers cash incentives for reporting hate speech and bias. (AP Photo/Lindsey Wasson)

CLAIM:
Washington state passed a bill that will incentivize people to report hate speech and bias on a 24/7 hotline with a cash reward.

AP’S ASSESSMENT: False.
The final version of the bill, SB 5427, signed by Washington Gov. Jay Inslee, a Democrat, on Tuesday, does not offer any such compensation. In its original version, the bill outlined a fund that would have allowed for victims of hate crimes or bias incidents to receive up to $2,000. All versions of the bill stipulate the establishment of a reporting hotline that will be staffed during business hours, not 24/7.

THE FACTS:
Soon after the bill was signed into law, social media users falsely claimed that it will allow people to tattletale on members of their community for financial gain.

“Not satire: Washington state has passed a law offering cash as an incentive to report hate speech and bias via a 24/7 hotline,” reads one X post that had received approximately 9,900 likes and shares as of Friday.

Many posts also included a screenshot of a legislative memo criticizing the bill published on Jan, 18, 2024, by Liv Finne, the director of the Center for Education at the Washington Policy Center, a conservative think tank. The memo states that “SB 5427 would offer people a reward of up to $2,000 to report their neighbors, co-workers, family members and other people in the community for a ‘hate crime’ or ‘bias incident.’”

But the final version of the bill does not offer any compensation of this kind.

SB 5427 directs the state attorney general’s office to create a hotline where people can report hate crimes and bias incidents, the latter being defined as a non-criminal “hostile expression of animus” toward someone based on characteristics such as race, religion or sexual orientation. Reports will only be shared with law enforcement if the victim consents.

The original version of the bill included a provision for a compensation program that would have provided up to $2,000 per person for individuals “targeted or affected by a specific hate crime or bias incident” so long as funds were available. It stated that those seeking compensation would file a claim form that would then be evaluated by the attorney’s general office before being either approved or denied.

This provision does not appear in the version of SB 5427 signed by Inslee this week, set to take effect on Jan. 1, 2025.

The bill was first introduced to the state Senate on Jan. 17, 2023, but failed to advance from committee the next month. An amended version that omitted the compensation program was first read on Feb. 5, 2024, after Finne’s memo was published.

No version of SB 5427 states that the reporting hotline will be run 24/7. Since it was introduced in 2023, it has stipulated that the hotline will be staffed during business hours.

Mike Faulk, a spokesperson for Inslee, confirmed in an email to The Associated Press that “no cash incentives or victim compensation are part of this law as signed” and that the hotline will be staffed during business hours only, not around the clock.
 

hanimmal

Well-Known Member
A really good story out of Texas about a radicalized zealot running for office and realizing that when she got to work that it was all bullshit:
https://www.texastribune.org/2024/05/15/texas-granbury-isd-school-board-courtney-gore/
Screen Shot 2024-05-15 at 12.42.26 PM.png
Screen Shot 2024-05-15 at 12.42.36 PM.png
“It’s a rare event to see this kind of political leap, especially in a world that’s so polarized,” said University of Houston political scientist Brandon Rottinghaus. “You rarely see these kinds of changes because the people who are vetted to run tend to be true believers. They tend not to be people who are necessarily thinking about the holistic problem.”

“With the presence of Donald Trump, fealty to cause has amplified, so this kind of action is much more meaningful and much more visible than it was a decade ago,” Rottinghaus said about Gore.

In March, Texas Gov. Greg Abbott, a Republican, was victorious in unseating five lawmakers in his own party and forcing another three into runoff elections after they voted against voucher legislation that would allow the use of public dollars for students to attend private and religious schools. His efforts sent a message that those who did not unflinchingly support his priorities would face grave political repercussions.

Gore was part of a similar movement of hard-liners who pushed out the Republican Hood County elections administrator in 2021 after determining that she was not conservative enough for the nonpartisan position. Now Gore and other disillusioned local Republicans have formed a group pushing against an “ultra-right” faction of the party that it says has become obsessed with “administering purity tests” and stoking divisive politics.

The former teacher and mother of four was influenced by such politics when she decided to run for office. She was motivated to seek a school board seat after a steady stream of reports from the right-wing media she consumed and her social media feeds pointed to what she saw as inappropriate teachings in public schools. She, too, had been outraged by school mask mandates and vaccine requirements during the throes of the COVID-19 pandemic.

But Gore said she feels that she was unwittingly part of a statewide effort to weaken local support of public schools and lay the groundwork for a voucher system.

And she said that unless she and others sound the alarm, residents won’t realize what is happening until it is too late.

“I feel like if I don’t speak out, then I’m complicit,” Gore said. “I refuse to be complicit in something that’s going to hurt children.”

Because of that outspokenness, Gore is facing backlash from the same people who supported her race. She has been threatened at raucous school board meetings and shunned by people she once considered friends.

School marshals escort her and her fellow board members to their cars to ensure no one accosts them.

Screen Shot 2024-05-15 at 12.44.38 PM.png

In May 2021, former Trump adviser Steve Bannon told followers on his podcast that school boards were the road back to power for conservatives following the 2020 presidential election. Two months later, North Texas-based influential pastor Rafael Cruz, the father of U.S. Sen. Ted Cruz, amplified that message on social media, saying that getting candidates on school boards was critical.

“We need to make sure that strong, principled Americans, those who uphold our Judeo-Christian principles that have made America the greatest country in the world, are elected to school boards,” Rafael Cruz said in a July 2021 video posted to his Facebook page. “Because I’ll tell you the left is controlling the school boards in America.”

Those messages reached Granbury, where former Republican state Rep. Mike Lang and political consultant Nate Criswell asked Gore to run for the school board. Gore recalls hearing Cruz give a fiery speech while she was campaigning. In the speech, which reinforced her decision to run, she said Cruz boasted about flipping the school board in Southlake, Texas, by getting the churches involved in helping to install Christian candidates.

“When you put in the minds of parents that there is an agenda to indoctrinate their children … and the only answer is to get conservative Christian people elected to the school board,” Gore said, “it’s a very powerful message”

Gore, now 43, first became involved in local politics in 2016 when she campaigned door-to-door for Lang, a former constable who successfully ran for the Texas Legislature. She then served on a leadership committee for the Hood County GOP.

After Lang decided not to run for reelection in 2020, he asked Gore to join the “Blue Shark” show, a web-based program he founded and co-hosted with Criswell that produced videos taking aim at local politicians and officials considered insufficiently conservative. Criswell later ran campaigns for Gore and Melanie Graft, another school board candidate who previously tried to remove LGBTQ-themed books from the children’s section of the county library.

Soon after the women won their elections, the Granbury school district descended into a high-profile fight over school library books.

Administrators pulled 130 library books from the shelves after Matt Krause, a Republican representative from Fort Worth, published a list of 850 titles that he said touched on themes of sexual orientation and race. At the time, ProPublica, The Texas Tribune and NBC News obtained audio of the district’s superintendent, Jeremy Glenn, making clear to librarians that he had concerns about books with LGBTQ themes, including those that did not contain descriptions of sex. After the reporting, the Department of Education opened a civil rights investigation, which is ongoing, into whether the district violated federal laws that prohibit discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender.

A volunteer review committee of parents and district employees eventually recommended returning nearly all of the books to the shelves.

Hard-liners wanted additional titles removed, claiming that the district was allowing “pornography,” without offering evidence to support the assertion. But Gore backed the committee’s findings, saying she was satisfied with the handful of books the district had removed for explicit content. Glenn, too, drew the ire of his onetime allies after he also supported the committee’s recommendation. Lang and Criswell have since called for his ouster. Glenn declined an interview request through a district spokesperson.

The book debate, along with a series of other fissures, contributed to Gore’s growing belief that her former colleagues were more interested in misleading residents than in improving educational outcomes.

In early 2022, leaders of the rapidly growing district announced plans to ask voters for $394 million in bonds to build a new high school and renovate existing campuses. School board members established a community advisory committee that would counsel the district.

Gore chose Criswell as her representative on the committee. She thought that once Criswell saw the district’s needs firsthand, he would support the bonds. But the opposite happened. Criswell urged voters to reject the measure, claiming some parts, such as providing full-day pre-K programs for all students, were “communist in nature.”

Gore said Criswell directed her and Graft, who did not respond to requests for comment, to post messages on social media against the bonds. When Gore pushed back, she said Criswell accused her of betraying the party. (The bonds ultimately lost by a wide margin.)

According to Gore, Criswell also pressured her to stop speaking with all of her fellow school board members, except for Graft. “They’re just lying to you. They’re not your friends,” she recalled him saying.

“I was like, how am I supposed to do my job as a board member if I’m not talking to anybody?” Gore said. “None of it was adding up.”

Criswell, who has previously said that he supports public schools, declined to answer detailed questions. Lang did not respond to requests to comment. In April 2022, Gore rescinded her nomination of Criswell to the bond advisory board. She felt that he and Lang were misleading voters about the bond and its cost to taxpayers.

“Mike Lang would call them snowballs,” she said. “You just get as many little snowballs as you can so you’re attacking from multiple fronts. And then you see which ones start to stick and gather speed and get bigger and bigger.”

In June 2022, Lang and Criswell directed one of their snowballs in Gore’s direction, taking a veiled shot at the former co-host of their show. In a video, Criswell praised Graft for continuing the fight to remove books from the school district’s libraries, saying she was “the only one that acts as the buffer right now on that board. Which is sad, because, you know, we’ve had other people elected in recent elections that just haven’t lived up to the expectations.”

Three days later, Gore fired back.

Screen Shot 2024-05-15 at 12.47.42 PM.png

“We have profile sheets” on all the trustees except for Graft, Cliff Criswell shouted. “We know what you do. We know where you live.”

Gore was shocked. Panicked, she started calling family members. “My grandmother was home with our children,” she recalled in an interview. “My brother came over and slept on my front porch to make sure nobody showed up at our house in the middle of the night. I mean, my kids were terrified after that.”



(Story goes on, but it is too long to post it all)
 

hanimmal

Well-Known Member

I really am missing my 'how much racism will it take to win a election' thread right about now lol.

But can't beat the trigger word "DEI" that has been programmed into propaganda language.
 

hanimmal

Well-Known Member

https://apnews.com/article/trump-harris-nabj-black-voters-race-8d3c811ec6369aadef00e25e29ec0fab
Screen Shot 2024-08-04 at 12.18.02 PM.png
NEW YORK (AP) — Donald Trump has found tremendous success from the very first moment he stepped onto the presidential stage by stoking racial animus.

Democrats expressed new outrage this week at the former president’s derisive and false charge that Vice President Kamala Harris, who is of Jamaican and Indian heritage, only recently “turned Black” for political gain. Some Republicans — even from within Trump’s own campaign — seemed to distance themselves from the comment.

But Trump’s rhetoric this week, and his record on race since he entered politics nearly a decade ago, indicate that divisive attacks on race may emerge as a core GOP argument in the three-month sprint to Election Day — whether his allies want them to or not.

A Trump adviser, granted anonymity Thursday to discuss internal strategy, said the campaign doesn’t need to focus on “identity politics” because the case against Harris is that she is “so liberal it’s dangerous.” The adviser pointed to Harris’ record on the Southern border, crime, the economy and foreign policy.

In a sign that Trump may not be coordinating his message with his own team, the Republican presidential nominee doubled down on the same day with a new attack on Harris’ racial identity. He posted on his social media site a picture of Harris donning traditional Indian attire in a family photo.

Sen. Cynthia Lummis, a Wyoming Republican who has endorsed Trump, was among a number of lawmakers on Capitol Hill who said Thursday that the rhetoric around race and identity is not “helpful to anyone” this election cycle.

“People’s skin color doesn’t matter one iota,” Lummis said in an interview.

Trump turned to an old tactic against Harris
It’s been less than two weeks after President Joe Biden ended his reelection bid and endorsed Harris. Trump has had to pivot from campaigning against an 81-year-old white man showing signs of decline to facing a 59-year-old Black woman who is drawing much larger crowds and new enthusiasm from Democratic donors.

Trump went to the National Association of Black Journalists convention on Wednesday. In an appearance carried live on cable news and shared widely online, he falsely suggested Harris misled voters about her race.

“I didn’t know she was Black until a number of years ago when she happened to turn Black and now she wants to be known as Black. So, I don’t know, is she Indian or is she Black?” Trump said Wednesday.

At a Pennsylvania rally hours later, Trump’s team displayed years-old news headlines describing Harris as the “first Indian-American senator” on the big screen in the arena. And Ohio Sen. JD Vance, Trump’s running mate, told reporters traveling with him that Harris was a “chameleon” who changed her identity when convenient.

Harris attended Howard University, the historically Black institution where she pledged the Alpha Kappa Alpha sorority, and has often talked throughout her career about being both about being Black and Indian American.

Trump’s team argued that his message on race is part of a broader pitch that may appeal to some Black voters, although very few allies defended his specific rhetoric this week.

“What impacts our historic gains with Black voters is President Trump’s record when compared to Kamala’s,” said Trump campaign senior adviser Lynne Patton, pointing to the “cost of living, securing the border, deporting Kamala’s illegal aliens, making neighborhoods safe again and keeping men out of women’s sports.”

Veteran Republican pollster Frank Luntz said he explored racial politics during a Wednesday focus group with swing voters almost immediately after Trump’s interview. He found that Harris may be vulnerable to criticism based on her gender, but race-based attacks could hurt Trump among the voters that matter most this fall.

Much has changed, Luntz said, since Trump rose to prominence by questioning the citizenship of Barack Obama, the nation’s first Black president.

“Trump seems to think that he can criticize her for how she’s dealt with her race. Well, no one’s listening to that criticism. It simply doesn’t matter,” Luntz said. “If it’s racially driven, it will backfire.”

Eugene Craig, the former vice chair of the Maryland Republican Party, said that Trump “got what he wanted” at the NABJ convention but that the substance of his argument risked being more offensive than appealing.

“The one thing that Black folks will never tolerate is disrespecting Blackness, and that goes for Black Republicans too,” said Craig, who is Black and worked as a staffer for conservative pundit Dan Bongino’s 2012 Senate campaign. He is now supporting Harris.

Trump has a long history of racist attacks
Trump has frequently used race to go after his opponents since he stepped into presidential politics nearly a decade ago.

Trump was perhaps the most famous member of the so-called “birther” movement questioning where Obama was born. He kicked off his first campaign by casting Mexican immigrants as “rapists” and drug traffickersand later questioned whether a U.S. federal judge of Mexican heritage could be fair to him.

While in the White House, Trump defended a white supremacist march in Charlottesville, Virginia, and suggested that the U.S. stop accepting immigrants from “shithole” countries including Haiti and parts of Africa. In August 2020, he suggested Harris, who was born in California, might not meet the Constitution’s eligibility requirements to be vice president.

And just two weeks after formally entering the 2024 campaign, he dined with notorious white supremacist Nick Fuentes at his Mar-a-Lago residence.

Trump won in 2016 but lost reelection in 2020 to Biden by close margins in several swing states. He swept the 2024 Republican primary even while facing a raft of criminal charges.

Some Trump critics worried that his racial strategy might resonate with a significant portion of the electorate anyway. Voters will decide in November whether to send a Black woman to the Oval Office for the first time in the nation’s nearly 250-year history.

“I hope Trump’s attacks on Harris are just him flailing about ineffectively. But put together Trump’s shamelessness, his willingness to lie, his demagogic talent, and the issue of race — and a certain amount of liberal complacency that Trump is just foolish — and I’m concerned,” Bill Kristol, a leading conservative anti-Trump voice, posted on social media Thursday.

The Harris campaign thinks there’s little upside for Trump
A Harris adviser described the moment as an opportunity to remind voters of the chaos and division that Trump breeds. But the adviser, granted anonymity to discuss internal strategy, said it would be a mistake for Democrats to engage with Trump’s attacks on race at the expense of the campaign’s broader focus on key policies.

So long as the campaign does not get distracted, the adviser said, Harris’ team believes there is little political upside for Trump to continue attacking Harris’ racial identity.

Harris told a gathering of a historically Black sorority on Wednesday that Trump’s attack was “the same old show: the divisiveness and the disrespect.”

On the ground in at least one swing state, however, there were signs that Trump’s approach may be resonating — at least among the former president’s white male base.

Jim Abel, a 65-year-old retiree who attended a rally for Vance in Arizona on Wednesday, said he agreed with Trump’s focus on Harris’ racial identity.

“She’s not Black,” Abel said. “I’ve seen her parents. I’ve pictures of her and her family and she’s not Black. She’s looking for the Black vote.”

But several high-profile Republican voices disagreed.

Conservative commentator Ben Shapiro posted on X a picture of a road sign with two directions. One led to, “Attack Kamala’s record, lies and radicalism,” while the other, “Is she really Black?”

“I dunno guys, I just think that maybe winning the 2024 election might be more important than having this silly and meaningless conversation,” Shapiro wrote.
 

hanimmal

Well-Known Member
After seeing Trump stop at Michigan's clan capital and trigger over the rights new (or at least later) racist rally cry "DEI", I was curious about the years that the Klan were operating and that led me to watch something I never had before, "The birth of a nation". I have seen clips, and knew about the racist shit in it, but never really looked at it. Nor tried to put myself in the shoes of all those white people who have never seen a movie before watching one for the first time and it being this, and how we are still dealing with the lies spread in it.


So much of the lies and propaganda still echo in today's election. The fear mongering and pearl clutching especially.

Screen Shot 2024-08-22 at 7.50.58 AM.png

@2:00:00 the congress scene with the black men that won elections in the south after slavery was ended is pretty infuriating when you know that entire groups of black men who ran and won office were murdered so that the white men could reclaim what they deemed was their birthright.

Screen Shot 2024-08-22 at 7.52.37 AM.png

https://eji.org/report/reconstruction-in-america/documenting-reconstruction-violence/#34-documented-mass-lynchings-during-the-reconstruction-era
34 Documented Mass Lynchings During the Reconstruction Era
It is certain that many more mass lynching events than those listed here took place during Reconstruction, and it is likely that hundreds or thousands more people were killed in mass violence during this period than can be documented today.

Mobile County, Alabama, 1865
White mobs kill an estimated 138 Black people over the course of several months.

Duplin County, North Carolina, 1865
Six Black men lynched after demanding that a white landowner pay them for their work.

Memphis, Tennessee, 1865
Approximately 20 Black Union soldiers attacked and killed.

Bell County, Texas, 1866
Violent attacks by the Ku Klux Klan leave approximately seven Black people dead.

Pine Bluff, Arkansas, March 1866
Twenty-four emancipated Black men, women, and children living in a refugee camp are found dead, hanging from trees.

Memphis, Tennessee, May 1866
White mobs attack the Black community, killing at least 46 people and destroying homes, schools, churches, and businesses.

New Orleans, Louisiana, July 1866
White mobs attack advocates marching for Black voting rights, killing an estimated 33 Black people.

Millican, Texas, July 1868
An estimated 150 Black people are killed by armed white mobs.

Camilla, Georgia, September 1868
White mobs attack Black residents gathered to protest political disenfranchisement, killing at least seven Black people.

Opelousas, Louisiana, September 1868
An estimated 200 Black people are killed over several days after attempting to participate in the political process.

Caddo Parish, Louisiana, October 1868
At least 53 Black people are killed by white mobs wielding racial violence to suppress the Black vote.

New Orleans, Louisiana, October 1868
White mob attacks and kills 14 Black men on Canal Street.

St. Bernard Parish, Louisiana, October 1868
White mobs attack Black community to discourage voting, killing at least 35 Black people.

Algiers, New Orleans, Louisiana, October 1868
White mobs use violence to suppress the Black vote, killing at least seven Black people.

Bossier Parish, Louisiana, October 1868
White mobs terrorize the Black community in widespread attacks leading up to election day, killing at least 162 Black people.

McDuffie County, Georgia, November 1868
A Black man named Perry Jeffreys, his wife, and four of their sons are attacked and lynched by white mobs targeting Mr. Jeffreys for voting.

Moore County, North Carolina, February 1869
After a Black man named Daniel Blue testifies against white men accused of racial violence, a white mob attacks his home and lynches his wife and five children.

Henderson, Texas, April 1869
A white mob hangs five Black men—including two preachers—on the public square outside the courthouse without trial.

Tiptonville, Tennessee, November 1869
White mob seizes five Black men from jail and lynches them without trial.

Eutaw, Alabama, November 1870
White mobs attack a political meeting of Black residents and white allies, killing four Black people.

Harrodsburg, Kentucky, August 1870
White mobs violently suppress the Black vote, lynching four Black people.

Union County, South Carolina, 1871
White mobs lynch up to 12 Black men during rampant Klan terrorism.

Colfax, Louisiana, April 1873
White mobs kill at least 150 Black people in violence intended to disenfranchise Black voters and restore white supremacy.

Grant Parish, Louisiana, November 1873
White mob lynches six Black men without trial.

Bryan, Texas, March 1874
White mob lynches six Black men without trial.

Trenton, Tennessee, August 1874
White mob abducts 16 Black men from jail and lynches them without trial.

New Orleans, Louisiana, September 1874
Three days of violence leaves 11 dead after White League terrorist organization attempts to overthrow Louisiana’s Reconstruction government in so-called Battle of Liberty Place.

Eufaula, Alabama, November 1874
Armed white men attack Black voters at the polls on election day, killing at least six Black people.

Vicksburg, Mississippi, December 1874
When Black residents organize to protest the removal of an elected Black sheriff, white mobs attack and kill an estimated 50 Black people.

Clinton, Mississippi, September 1875
Armed white mobs attack the Black community after a political meeting, killing an estimated 50 Black people.

West Feliciana Parish, Louisiana, May 1876
White mobs lynch at least 17 Black people in violent effort to suppress the Black vote.

Edgefield County, South Carolina, May 1876
White mob lynches six Black men without trial.

Hamburg, South Carolina, July 1876
In violence leading up to election day, a white mob attacks Black men stationed at the National Guard Armory, killing at least six.

East Feliciana Parish, Louisiana, 1875-1876
White mobs lynch at least 30 Black people in racialized attacks over several months.

Screen Shot 2024-08-22 at 7.54.43 AM.png
And even with all the terrorizing of these communities pulling themselves up out of the poverty slavery left them in, the black communities like Tulsa were burnt to the ground and all the black people were forced out of their homes as entire cities were wiped out.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_expulsions_of_African_Americans
I try to think of the timeline in real terms, someone who had their town burnt losing everything they had after decades of struggle forced to move from one towns to the next as angry white men burn it down behind you, finally moving to cities in the north like Detroit.

Screen Shot 2024-08-22 at 8.13.24 AM.png

Only to see those cities white flight take place while the police militarized in the post ww1 days.


And during this those folks trying like hell to rebuild their lives that they have seen burnt down time after time by angry white men, then see highways build through their neighborhoods and other actual government actions cutting them out of the newly forming middle class and stuck in ever increasingly dangerous cities.

In the post ww2 days when white flight was really taking root with all those government lent money giving returning white men homes in the burbs worked to keep us segregated.

But eventually back folks started to make enough noise in the 60s that they won the right to not be stuck in white induced poverty. And then just had to deal with the racists in positions of power that kept them from getting loans for homes and businesses, out of the better career choices and in lower education options.

But then the next phase of racist control rose up and the federal and state prison system went to work turning the young men into career criminals.

@about 18:30 they start to discuss "Birth of a Nation" which is where I started to fall down this rabbit hole.



 

hanimmal

Well-Known Member
Screen Shot 2024-08-22 at 3.00.42 PM.png

Screen Shot 2024-08-22 at 3.00.12 PM.png


https://www.mobituaries.com/news/the-podcast/the-black-congressmen-of-reconstruction-death-of-representation/
Screen Shot 2024-08-22 at 3.15.49 PM.png
On May 13, 1862, just over a year into the Civil War, an enslaved man named Robert Smalls, who labored on a Confederate steamer in South Carolina's Charleston harbor, set into motion a daring plan.

As his great-great-grandson Michael Boulware Moore explained, "He saw that the Confederate crew had left, and he knew that oftentimes they left for the evening, not to come back until the next day."

For Smalls and six other slaves and their families, the stakes couldn't have been higher. "They knew that if they got caught, that they would be, not just killed, but probably tortured in a particularly egregious and public manner," said Moore.

Disguising himself in the straw hat and long overcoat of the ship’s white captain, Smalls piloted the ship past Fort Sumter towards the Union blockade, and freedom.

"It really blew people's minds because, you know, it just was beyond what people thought an enslaved person could do," Moore said.

After serving on a Union Naval vessel during the Civil War, Smalls returned home to Beaufort, S.C., and was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives – one of more than a dozen African Americans to serve in Congress during the period known as Reconstruction, when the formerly-rebel states were reabsorbed into the Union, and four million newly-freed African Americans were made citizens.

"It was a time of unparalleled hope," said Harvard professor Henry Louis Gates, who latest book “Dark Sky Rising” is about Reconstruction.

Gates said Reconstruction is one of the most misunderstood chapters in American history, when black men could vote, and would be elected to represent Southerners in Congress.

Rocca said, "You go and you ask people on the street who the first black person was elected to the U.S. Congress, they're gonna guess it's the 1960s, the 1970s."

"And they would never guess it was Hiram Revels from Mississippi," said Gates.

Hiram Rhodes Revels was born free and served as a chaplain to black regiments during the Civil War. On February 25, 1870 he was sworn in as a Senator from Mississippi, an office once held by Jefferson Davis, who left the U.S. Senate to become president of the Confederate States of America.

It was an historic moment, said Gates. "And it's memorialized in the famous Currier and Ives lithograph that shows the first senator and members of the House of Representatives who were African Americans.

The famed printing house created the lithograph featuring the African American Members of Congress - all of them Southerners, all of them Republicans - in 1872. Harvard University's Houghton Library houses one of the few known copies.

"When Frederick Douglass saw the portrait of Hiram Revels, he said, 'At last, the black man is represented as something other than a monkey,'" said Gates.

And of the seven men pictured, only two had been born free men; the others had been other people's slaves.

Columbia University historian Eric Foner said, "It's the first time in this country, or really anywhere, that an interracial democracy was created."

He estimates that about two thousand African Americans held some kind of public office during Reconstruction. "We tend to think of slaves as ignorant or unsophisticated. But you know, they had been living in American society for their whole lives, and their parents had, too. The slave trade from Africa had ended long before. These people were Americans. And they wanted the same rights, the same opportunities as free white people had."

In 1874, the U.S. Congress debated a civil rights law that would outlaw discrimination based on race in hotels, theaters, and railway cars. The highlight of debate came when South Carolina Congressman Robert Brown Elliot faced down the bill’s chief opponent Georgia Congressman Alexander Stephens. Just thirteen years earlier Stephens, then Vice President of the Confederate States of America, had given a speech proclaiming slavery was the “cornerstone” of the Confederacy.

“The progress of events has swept away that pseudo-government which rested on greed, pride, and tyranny; and the race whom he then ruthlessly spurned and trampled on are here to meet him in debate,” Elliot said. “The gentleman from Georgia has learned much since 1861; but he is still a laggard.”

“One Kentucky newspaper said this was the most impressive speech by a black man in American history. Now, that's saying something when you have Frederick Douglass out there giving brilliant speeches,” Foner said. “Elliott became a nationally known figure because of his speech on the Civil Rights Bill.”

With the votes of African American Congressmen Joseph Rainey, Richard Cain, James T. Rapier, and John Roy Lynch, that civil rights bill passed and on March 1, 1875 President Ulysses S. Grant signed it into law.

Author Lawrence Otis Graham said, "How gutsy was it for these guys not just to try to be elected, but to get seated and to actually demand equality."

Graham wrote a book about Mississippi Senator Blanche K. Bruce, who was born a slave in Virginia before becoming a successful plantation owner in Mississippi. Bruce and his wife Josephine were one of the wealthiest African American couples in America, and lived in a townhouse in an integrated Washington, D.C., neighborhood.

"This was not someone who was in over their head," said Graham. "This was someone who, despite all the odds against him, succeeded enormously."

Rocca said, "The year he's seated in the Senate, 1875, is the apex of black representation during Reconstruction; seven House Members and one Senator, that's the high point?"

"Yeah, it is. But he doesn't get to enjoy that high point very long with his colleagues," Graham said.

When neither candidate in the 1876 presidential election secured enough votes in the Electoral College to be declared winner, a deal was struck. Southern Democrats agreed to back Republican candidate Rutherford B. Hayes; in exchange, the federal troops who had protected black voters were withdrawn from the South. Just a few years later, the Supreme Court struck down the Civil Rights Bill of 1875. Black voting rights were gradually stripped away, and black representation in Congress faded.

Reconstruction was over, and the Jim Crow era of segregation began.

For most of the twentieth century, Reconstruction was portrayed as a failure. D.W. Griffith's 1915 movies "The Birth of a Nation" depicted South Carolina's black state legislators as uncouth and given to drink, while also casting the Ku Klux Klan as heroes. The movie was a sensation with white audiences. President Woodrow Wilson even hosted a screening at the White House.

And most schools taught Reconstruction as a misadventure at best. Foner said, "That's what I was taught in high school in the 1950s: Reconstruction was the worst period in American history, it was a travesty of democracy, black people misused the right to vote, were not capable of serving in public office. That was taught everywhere."

For a young Henry Louis Gates, this was particularly painful. "The few black kids in my class would put the textbook up over our face and slink down in our chairs, because it was all so embarrassing," he said.

But over the last 25 years, Reconstruction in some schools has been given a much fuller treatment.

And in 2017, the Reconstruction Era National Monument was established in Robert Smalls' hometown of Beaufort, S.C. Just down the road, you can see the house he lived in as a free man and the church he attended. Alongside it is a bust of Smalls – the only known statue in the South of any of the pioneering black Congressmen of Reconstruction.

Edit: Interesting look at the long term impacts from the racist propaganda film had.
 
Last edited:

GenericEnigma

Well-Known Member
I can't express the level of disgust for supremacists scared of anything not like themselves. Ignorantly unable to understand the value of perspective. Small minds believing hatred makes them strong. Thinking that pushing, running, hurting shows strength, when learning, listening, understanding does. Crowds of purility wishing someone else would take the blame for their pain.
 
Top